MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. And welcome at the seat of the ministry of foreign affairs of the Republic of Poland. We shall now have the conference by Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Minister Radoslaw Sikorski.
First, I would like to hand over to the host Minister Radoslaw Sikorski.
FOREIGN MINISTER SIKORSKI: (Via interpreter) Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I'm very happy to be to host in Warsaw at the ministry of foreign affairs Secretary of State of the United States Antony Blinken. With the secretaries coming back from Kyiv, important events are taking place. There, the Secretary met with representatives of Ukrainian authorities. It is definitely the most urgent topic when it comes to bilateral relations between Poland and the U.S.
Our relations are at the highest level in terms of intensity in history. This year's dynamism is impressive. There are common values, common interests, and similar perception of threats that unite us. I believe that our collaboration aimed at supporting Kyiv will be continued until the end of the current administration and by the next administration as well. I hope that it will contribute to the quickest possible end of the Russian aggression, taking into account and with due regard of raison d'être of Ukraine, which has been attacked.
Ensuring security of Ukraine, a strategic forefront of the entire North Atlantic Treaty Organization is our joint priority, and we shall continue our efforts. Poland remains a strong advocate of increasing the pressure on the Russian regime in order to force it to end the conflict against Ukraine.
From the very beginning, we were a front runner when it comes to providing military and other kinds of assistance. As the West, we shall continue supplying Ukraine with advanced air defense and antimissiles defense systems. We shall also lift the ban on using long-range weapons. We are sure that the economic sanctions are bringing the expected effect, and we hope that more intense activities will be taken with regard to seizing frozen Russian assets.
The support for Ukraine is still one of the most important topics of our bilateral relations, however our cooperation with Washington spans beyond that framework. We are key partners for each other in the area of security. The American military presence in Poland - which many previous governments have been struggling to achieve - including permanent deployment of the American troops, increases Poland's security.
We are modernizing the Polish army. This is possible thanks to the purchases made from the U.S. Let me just mention F-16, F-35s, Apaches, Abrams, HIMARS, and Patriot systems.
Our political collaboration is getting closer and closer. At the same time, the U.S. is becoming an even greater partner for Poland in other areas. Our economic relations are blooming. Let me mention areas such as energy, trade, or technology.
I would once again like to thank Tony Blinken for this meeting, for the possibility to talk about the key aspects of our dialogue. We shall continue in New York during the meeting of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Ladies and gentlemen, now let me hand over to Secretary Blinken.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, thank you very, very much. And let me just say at the outset to my friend Radek, thank you for being such a great partner for the United States, but thank you especially for being such a long-time and staunch defender of democracy wherever it's threatened, wherever it's challenged. We could not be more grateful for that.
And also, if you'll allow me a point of personal privilege, I'm especially pleased as well to be here with my friend, Ambassador Mark Brzezinski. The Brzezinski family has now for two generations contributed in remarkable ways to our foreign policy, to our national discourse, and having Mark here at this time could not be more important and more beneficial to both of our countries.
As Radek said, I'm here from Ukraine. I was there, as you know, with Foreign Secretary Lammy. We had a very good visit. We went to Kyiv to underscore our united and unwavering support for Ukraine, faced with the ongoing Russian aggression - the United States, United Kingdom, but also united with so many other countries who have come together in support of Ukraine, all committed not just to helping Ukraine ward off the aggression, but committed to Ukraine's long term success, its success as a country that stands strongly on its own two feet militarily, economically, democratically. And in our conversations in Kyiv, we talked about our shared strategy to get there.
What we learned from our Ukrainian partners will inform discussions that we'll be having with other allies and other partners in the days and weeks ahead as we work through and think through the coming months. And it's very fitting for us to begin that conversation with our allies here in Poland.
Poland has been an absolutely essential partner to Ukraine from the moment that Putin reinvaded the country in 2022. It's provided $4 billion in security assistance to Ukraine - tanks, aircraft, air defense, helicopters. It's one of 26 countries that have now signed bilateral security agreements with Ukraine. These agreements, long-term commitments to help Ukraine build its deterrent and defense capacity, are critical not just in the immediate, but critical over time to make sure that Ukraine for many years has the capacity to defend itself.
And of course, it's been working alongside other NATO Allies to help train the Ukrainians, including here in Poland. And it's going to host the NATO-Ukraine Joint Analysis Training and Education Center so that the Alliance can draw on lessons learned from the war.
As many of you know and as you see every time we go into Ukraine, it's also the key hub for getting assistance to Ukraine and to the Ukrainian people. More than 80 percent of all security and humanitarian assistance for Ukraine is flowing through Poland. And of course, Poland continues to host some one million Ukrainian refugees. This is a remarkable display of generosity and solidarity in a time when it's most needed.
These joint efforts to support Ukraine, to help it defend against the Russian aggression, are a critical facet of our relationship, but only one facet of the relationship and our security cooperation, which in my judgment has never been stronger. Poland has spent - is spending over 4 percent of GDP on defense. This is really the gold standard among NATO countries, and we saw at the NATO summit just a few months ago the extraordinary progress the Alliance has made in countries stepping up and dedicating the necessary resources to defense. In 2020, nine NATO Allies were meeting the 2 percent threshold. Now it's 23, but Poland has really been leading the way. And of course, it hosts thousands of U.S. and Allied forces.
We have also a remarkable relationship when it comes to financing the necessary expenditures on defense. There are now some $11 billion worth of loans through our foreign military financing program that we've dedicated to Poland to help it modernize its forces, including with F-35 aircraft, with the largest fleet of Apache helicopters outside the United States, and the co-production of Patriot missile defense systems. These investments are good for Poland's security. They're good for NATO's capabilities. They're good for the United States - for our security, for our industry, and for our jobs.
I also want to underscore the very important collaboration we have when it comes to energy security. Since February of '22, Poland has made very important strides when it comes to increasing its own energy security. We see this in the context of extraordinary strides across Europe - moving away from dependence on Russian energy and developing different sources and self-sufficiency. The foreign minister and I discussed ways that the United States can further support Poland's transition away from Russian energy by facilitating the production of safe, clean, and reliable nuclear energy.
Poland is also one of several nations across the region that has been subject to Russian sabotage, cyber operations - including with the support of the regime in Belarus. This is something that the entire Alliance is seized with. We see this, unfortunately, across Europe. So we're deepening our cooperation to protect our countries and fellow democracies from Moscow's malign efforts.
In June we came together in Warsaw with over a dozen countries - with the European Union, with NATO - to create the Ukraine Communications Group. Together we're coordinating efforts to expose and to counter Kremlin misinformation and disinformation and put out accurate reporting on Russia's ongoing aggression.
Twenty-five years ago, when Poland joined NATO, my very illustrious predecessor, Secretary Madeleine Albright, said this, and I quote: "We know that when the democracies of Europe and America are divided, crevices are created through which [the] forces of evil and aggression may emerge; [but that] when we stand together, no force on Earth is more powerful than our solidarity on behalf of freedom."
That was true then. It remains true today. And we continue to stand strongly together, Poland and the United States, for our own freedom and the freedom of others.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you. Now we shall have time for questions. We will have two questions from Polish journalists and two questions from American journalists. The first question goes from Polsat News, Polish private broadcaster.
QUESTION: Katarzyna Pysza, Polsat News. Mr. Secretary of State, welcome. I have question for both you and Minister Sikorski here. Sir, is there a green light for Ukraine to hit targets deep inside Russia using Western weaponry? There were reports that this decision has already been made. There are also reports that London has given its permission recently, so if you could comment on that.
And Foreign Minister Sikorski, in Polish:
(Via interpreter) Sir, you said that Poland is in favor of increasing pressure on Moscow. What about the green light for hitting targets inside Russia? What is the impact on Ukraine? What does it mean for Ukraine and for Poland's security?
Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much. Look, a hallmark of what we've done from day one - in fact, even before day one - of the Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2022 was to try to make sure that Ukraine has what it needs when it needs it to deal with that aggression. And as what Russia is doing has changed, as the battlefield has changed, we've adapted. And as you've seen through the provision of some of the most sophisticated weapon systems we've had, through the extraordinary provision of military assistance overall - more than $100 billion from the United States - the sharing of intelligence and many other things at every step along the way, as necessary, we've adapted and we've adjusted.
And one of the purposes of my visit to Kyiv yesterday was to hear from our Ukrainian partners what they believe they need now to deal with the current battlefield, including in eastern Ukraine and other parts of the country. And I can tell you that as we go forward, we will do exactly what we have already done, which is we will adjust, we'll adapt as necessary, including with regard to the means that are at Ukraine's disposal to effectively defend against the Russian aggression.
FOREIGN MINISTER SIKORSKI: (Via interpreter) Russia is committing war crimes, attacking civilian targets, residential areas, hospitals, and facilities which produce electricity and heat for Ukrainians, and the winter is coming. Missiles that hit civilian targets are shot from bombers that start from airfields in Russia. The victim of aggression has the right to defend itself, has the right to combat all means of air strikes that hit against it. I'm of the opinion that Ukraine has the right to use Western weapons to prevent war crimes.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Now a question from our American guests, Bloomberg News.
(In English) The microphone is - please hold it.
QUESTION: Thank you. Mr. Secretary, you spoke about individual and collective responses to Russia's hybrid attacks on NATO Allies, particularly in the eastern flank. Poland has been one of those targets. The attacks have continued; they've intensified since your remarks in Prague and these - the Bucharest Nine meetings and so on. What progress has been made on this collective response, and what, if anything, are you seeking to move forward? And Mr. Foreign Minister, if you could respond as well.
And also, Mr. Secretary, could you just respond to the killing of six UNRWA workers in Gaza this week? Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you, Courtney. With regard to the hybrid attacks, exactly as you've said, this is something that we've brought to allies and partners, including at the most recent NATO summit in Washington, and the Alliance as a whole is seized with this because what we're seeing are attacks in a number of different countries by different means. And while countries in the past might have seen these as one-off events, I think it's now clear to everyone that this is part of a deliberate strategy that Russia is engaged in.
And what I can tell you is this: We are closely collaborating between ourselves, among different allies and partners, on, among other things, sharing the necessary information, and taking steps to impose consequences on Russia for these attacks. You see that, among other ways, in not only the extraordinary sanctions that have been imposed on Russia but further efforts to as necessary increase those, strengthen those, and make sure that they're imposing a consequence.
I think it's critical, though, that there's a recognition - and I know that's felt acutely here in Poland - that the Alliance that we're both part of and that so many countries in Europe are a part of is also the most important guarantor of the safety and security of Europeans and Americans. And so as an Alliance, we're also looking at what's happening, and we'll draw the necessary conclusions from that and, as appropriate, consequences.
With regard to the attack, look, the first thing that's hugely important to underscore is the essential, vital, imperative work of humanitarians in Gaza, and for that matter around the world. And it's essential that those activities be protected and indeed be facilitated. We need to see humanitarian sites protected, and that's something that we continue to raise with Israel. At the same time, we continue to see Hamas hiding in, taking over, and otherwise using these sites from which to conduct its operations and to pose an ongoing threat. And that of course has to stop because those actions are endangering civilians.
I think it also underscores once again the urgency of reaching a ceasefire because that's the best way of ensuring that we have a genuinely protected space throughout Gaza, a space in which the humanitarians can not only continue to do their work but massively increase it to the benefit of people who desperately need it - the children, the women, and men of Gaza.
FOREIGN MINISTER SIKORSKI: Some people think that hybrid warfare is mainly in the domain of information or making nuisances of themselves in cyber sphere, but I'd like to - you to focus on the fact that hybrid warfare has its kinetic elements. As I was telling Tony, Polish airspace is regularly breached by Russian drones and missiles. Last year, a Russian cruise missile traveled through two-thirds of Poland and landed 10 kilometers from my house. Sooner or later, people will be hurt.
It's also terrorist sabotage activities. Some, but not all, we are able to prevent thanks to good collaboration of our intelligence services. And it's also a kinetic assault in collaboration with the Belarusian regime on Poland's eastern border. Migrants that have been on purpose brought to Russia are then pushed across the EU border, and one of our soldiers was actually killed defending the border of NATO, EU, and the Schengen Zone from these groups armed with sticks and knives and whatnot. We of course reserve the right to protect our territory and our citizens, and I can tell you that if another arson hurts a Polish citizen, Poland will take bilateral countermeasures that the Russian Federation will notice.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) The next question comes from TVN 24, Polish private broadcaster.
QUESTION: Hi, hello, Wojciech Skrzypek from TVN 24. I have pretty much the same question for you both: So what's the situation on the front line in Ukraine? And do you believe that Ukraine can still win this war? Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Can Ukraine still win? Yes. In fact, we're determined to see Ukraine win this war. And look, as we look at what's happened over the last more than two years since the Russian aggression - or re-aggression, since this really started in 2014 - time and again we've seen Ukrainian success against the odds. Kyiv, Kharkiv, Kherson; the pushing back of the Russian fleet from the Black Sea, even though Ukraine has no fleet of its own; what's happening now in Kursk - time and again, the Ukrainian people, supported by an extraordinary coalition of more than 50 countries, have demonstrated that they have the will and, if we sustain it - and we will - the capacity to succeed. So I have no doubt about that.
And in fact, if you look at what Putin was trying to accomplish, he's already failed, because we know - and just take him at his own word; don't take it from me - his entire purpose was to erase Ukraine from the map; to eliminate its existence as an independent, sovereign country; to subsume it into Russia for purposes of recreating a Russian empire. That has failed and cannot succeed, but it's imperative that we continue to support Ukraine so that it can continue to ward off the aggression taking place against it and, as I said earlier, not just that, but continue to build a strong, independent country, increasingly integrated with the institutions of the Euro-Atlantic community, including the European Union and NATO; able to stand on its own feet militarily, economically, democratically. That's the trajectory it's on. That is success for Ukraine. And that is the most powerful rebuke to everything that Putin has been trying to do.
FOREIGN MINISTER SIKORSKI: I agree with Tony's every word. I said it at the UN Security Council and I'll repeat it: Russia has lost plenty of aggressive wars she has waged. Russia lost the Crimean War, Russia lost the Russo-Japanese War, Russia was knocked out of World War I, Russia lost the invasion of Poland in 1920, Russia lost the invasion of Afghanistan, which I watched myself, and Russia lost the First Chechen War, and Russia lost the Cold War. The good news is that every time Russia loses a war there are reforms, so Russia should lose this war for the sake of Ukraine, for the sake of taboos established after Second World War, for the sake of guarantees that Russia herself also gave to Ukraine, but also for the sake of the future of Russia.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Ladies and gentlemen, the final question goes to CBS.
QUESTION: Dziękuję bardzo. Thank you very much. Olivia Gazis with CBS News. As one quick follow-up to my colleague's question, the first question from Polsat, Mr. Secretary -understanding a decision may or may not have been made on whether to allow Ukraine to use long-range weapons inside of Russia - would such a capability be accompanied by enhanced intelligence sharing with the U.S. and the Ukrainians in order to identify relevant targets in Russia?
And then my question for you, Mr. Secretary, is that the Polish Government and Minister Sikorski in particular have been calling for Poland's ability to shoot down missiles over Ukraine heading towards Poland, not only to aid Ukraine's air defenses in the west but also to assert Poland's ability to self-defend. So especially given your own observations this week about the delivery of Iranian ballistic missiles now enhancing Russia's capability and flexibility in striking more deeply into Ukraine, do you oppose this Polish proposal? And if so, why?
(In Polish.)
Ukraine has threatened to sever relations with Iran upon these revelations, again, that ballistic missiles have been delivered to Russia for use in Ukraine. Would Poland consider also taking such a diplomatic step? Or if not, what other costs are you willing to impose on the Iranian regime? Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Olivia, thank you, and thank you also for the eloquent demonstration of your Polish.
So I can only in this moment repeat what I've already said. We had good and extensive discussions with our Ukrainian colleagues yesterday about how they see the battlefield, what their needs are, and as I've said, we will always continue to take that into account, and as necessary we'll adapt, we'll adjust in terms of what we're doing, what we're providing, both the United States individually but also the collection of countries that has been supporting Ukraine. And you'll understand that I'm not going to get into operational details in a public setting, but I can again assure that we will adapt, we will adjust, and make sure that Ukraine has what it needs when it needs it to deal with this Russian aggression.
When it comes to these violations that we've seen of Polish airspace and sovereignty - and other allies and partners - first, most important, we of course stand by Poland's right to defend itself, just as we stand by the right of any of our allies to defend themselves, and we have an ironclad commitment to NATO, to Article 5. President Biden when he was here in Poland said that the United States is committed to defending every square inch of NATO territory, whether that's in Poland or among any other Allies. This is an issue that we are discussing among NATO Allies because it has implications for the Alliance as a whole, but of course Russia needs to stop these reckless attacks - the attacks on Ukraine, but also attacks that may implicate other countries, including Ukraine's neighbors.
FOREIGN MINISTER SIKORSKI: The issue of Russian missiles and drones crossing NATO territory will not go away. These missiles and drones - Russia launches hundreds of them. A significant proportion of them they lose control over. We've just had a drone land in Latvia. We've had incidents with Romania. And there are reports of the Belarusians shooting down drones before they cross into NATO territory. And remember that there are nuclear power stations on the territory of Ukraine. If the Russians lose control of one of these things and one of those power stations get damaged, you will all be asking us what - why we hadn't done anything about it before. All of Europe might have a problem. So I believe we should do something about it preemptively.
As regards Iran, I'm disappointed, because we have a new president of Iran. He's supposedly not as aggressive as the previous butcher of Tehran, but the policy of sending missiles and drones to use against Ukraine - and also using similar equipment against Israel - seems to be continuing. The trouble for Poland is that Iran is already under such severe sanctions that there is not that much more that we can do.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you very much, Secretary. Thank you very much, Minister. Thank you for this press conference. I would also like to thank you, and we will be in touch. Have a good afternoon.
