Thank you to the Australian Institute for International Affairs and the University of Tasmania for inviting me to give this address, in honour of this great statesperson.
With a career that spanned the first four decades of independent Australian foreign policy, there are few who have made a contribution comparable to James Plimsoll - or Jim Plim as he was affectionately known.
He first made his mark in the late 1940s supporting Foreign Minister Evatt during his presidency of the United Nations General Assembly - support that included ghost-writing Evatt's book, The Task of Nations.
He later became Secretary of the Department of External Affairs - which we now know as DFAT…
He was appointed Ambassador in Washington, Tokyo, Brussels and Moscow…
High Commissioner in London and Delhi…
And even Governor of this great state of Tasmania…
Among all these lofty appointments, his biographer Jeremy Hearder reflected that the highlight of Plimsoll's career was serving as Australia's Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the UN Nations in New York, in the late 1950s and early 1960s.
And we can understand why. He found himself at the centre of major international issues - and his diplomatic skill meant, in the words of a British colleague, that Plimsoll "exercised an influence on the UN quite disproportionate to Australia's standing in the world."
This was partly because of what the then Secretary of External Affairs, Arthur Tange, described as Plimsoll's "remarkable capacity… for talking to people in their own terms, freely encouraging them to explain their viewpoints and problems."
It is patent that Jim Plim understood deeply how Australia's interests as a middle power are at stake in the multilateral system.
Even with all the flaws with the international system, this remains the case today.
Australia will always be better off in a world that operates by rules that all countries have a say in shaping.
A world where Australia and other countries have the freedom to decide our own futures, without interference and intimidation.
A world where we can find collective solutions to our toughest problems.
Where no country dominates, and no country is dominated.
I've recently returned from the UN General Assembly's annual High-Level Week, where Australia progressed our most ambitious multilateral agenda in many years.
I convened meetings of humanitarian leaders and ministers from influential countries to address a serious problem in the international system.
That is, the growing risk that norms are being eroded in international humanitarian law - what we often refer to as the rules of war.
We see this in the massive civilian toll in conflicts around the world, and we see this in the increasing numbers of aid workers being killed and kidnapped.
In order to protect civilians, we must also protect aid workers who deliver the food, water and medicine civilians need to survive.
Aid workers are the best of humanity. Their dedication to improving the lives of others should not cost them their own.
Yet 2023 was the deadliest year on record for aid workers, and 2024 is on track to be even worse.
This has been felt directly by Australians with the IDF's strike against World Central Kitchen vehicles, which killed Australian Zomi Frankcom and her colleagues.
This was not a one-off incident. Gaza is the most dangerous place on earth to be an aid worker. More than 300 aid workers have been killed since the start of the conflict.
Together, the ministerial group I convened agreed to pursue a new Declaration for the Protection of Humanitarian Personnel.
Work on the Declaration is now underway, with our officials consulting experts and other countries.
All countries will be invited to join the Declaration, to demonstrate the unity of the international community's commitment to protect aid workers - and to channel that commitment into action in Gaza, in Sudan, in Ukraine and in all current and future conflicts.
This is exactly the kind of leadership Australia should be taking in the world.
We are not a superpower. But we are respected, and at our best we have a reputation for bringing countries together to defend and promote the rules-based order that protects us all.
From the days helping draft the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to Gareth Evans' leadership on the Chemical Weapons Convention, to our more leading role in the Arms Trade Treaty.
There's no doubt that reputation waned through the negative globalist years of the previous government.
But in driving this Declaration we are demonstrating that Australians are indeed constructive internationalists in the mould of the honouree of this address.
This brings me back to the book Plimsoll ghostwrote for Evatt, which spelled out our shared responsibility to each other. I quote:
"We should try to raise standards everywhere in order to practice the simple humanitarian doctrine which is the basis of all morality, namely that we should help our neighbour and relieve misery and suffering… [We] can hardly imagine … the common lot of so many of mankind - disease, low expectation of life, and unrelieved pain; flood, famine and epidemics... These wrongs cry out for redress, and can and must be righted by co-operative international effort."
A powerful articulation of the motivation for our humanitarian work.
And tonight we build on that work. Tonight, I am releasing Australia's new Humanitarian Policy.
It is a policy that comprehends the serious problems of our times.
A climate changing faster than our combined efforts to stop it.
More people displaced - in fact, more than 117 million people forcibly displaced from their homes.
More people needing humanitarian assistance - 302 million people this year, up by nearly 30 million in just the last two years.
More conflict than any time since World War Two. Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Sudan. Myanmar. And in the Middle East.
The Albanese Government is committed to humanitarian action which saves lives, alleviates human suffering and builds resilient communities.
The Policy outlines the role Australia will play at a time when need is outstripping the world's capacity to respond and disregard for international humanitarian law is increasing.
It is a plan of action that is not just about meeting humanitarian needs. It is also about protecting the peace, stability and prosperity that we want for Australia, our region and the world.
It is a plan that is accountable - to the Australian people, and to the partners and communities we seek to help.
We will focus on three priorities.
First, we will build readiness and preparedness, anticipating shocks before they occur and working with our partners to lessen their impact.
As part of this priority, I announce Australia is providing $5 million to the new Asia-Pacific Regional Humanitarian Fund to pre-position for the next emergency.
Second, we will respond to crises and disasters, delivering support that meets the needs of crisis-affected populations and protects the most vulnerable, both immediately and over the longer term.
As part of that effort, I announce $9 million in humanitarian relief to respond to high levels of food insecurity in Yemen. This follows support I announced yesterday for Myanmar, as well as over $80 million in aid to support civilians who have been devastated by the conflicts in Gaza and Lebanon.
And third, we will reinforce the international humanitarian system, working to take practical and actionable steps to strengthen adherence to international humanitarian law - just as we are doing with the Declaration.
We act globally, but our focus remains our region. We offer genuine partnerships, based on respect, listening and learning from each other.
And we are helping build self-reliance, so obviously in Australia's interests and the region's interests.
Now, we know humanitarian assistance can lessen shocks and keep further instability, conflict and displacement at bay.
But we all want a world where humanitarian assistance is needed far less often.
This is just one reason why the Albanese Government is acting on climate change.
We have enshrined our ambitious emissions reduction targets into legislation: 43 per cent by 2030 and net zero by 2050.
We are transforming our economy.
Within this decade, 82 per cent of Australia's electricity generation will be renewable, up from around 32 per cent when we came to office.
We are building new industries to accelerate our economic transition and to export reliable, renewable energy to the world.
And we are acting internationally, to respond to our partners.
By the end of 2025, Australia will offer Climate Resilient Debt Clauses in our sovereign loans.
And the groundbreaking Australia-Tuvalu Falepili Union treaty entered into force on 28 August - a treaty which provides for both adaptation and mobility with dignity…
And the first treaty anywhere in the world which provides legal protection for sovereignty in the face of sea level rise.
But we can't address climate change on our own, just as we can't alone resolve all of the conflicts that are driving humanitarian crises.
What we are doing is using our forthcoming term on the UN Peacebuilding Commission to reform the international peacebuilding and conflict prevention architecture.
What we are doing is helping Ukraine end Russia's illegal and immoral war on its own terms.
Since coming to office, we have more than doubled the military contribution to Ukraine - and Australia is the largest non-NATO contributor to Ukraine's fight.
And what we are doing is supporting efforts for long-term peace in the Middle East.
We have just marked the first anniversary of the October 7 attacks by Hamas.
We condemn Hamas' terrorism unequivocally. We call for the release of hostages immediately.
On that day, Hamas killed 1,200 people: the largest loss of Jewish life on any single day since the Holocaust.
October 7 is a day that recalls humanity's darkest memories.
The six million European Jews killed in the Holocaust - following thousands of years of persecution and atrocities perpetrated against the Jewish people.
This long shadow of antisemitism is the history that finally resolved the international community to create the State of Israel.
At the same time, the world also promised a Palestinian state.
77 years later, that Palestinian state still does not exist.
Earlier this year, Australia voted in the General Assembly in support of Palestinian aspirations for full membership of the UN.
The international community now must work together to pave a path to lasting peace.
Australia wants to engage on new ways to build momentum, including the role of the Security Council in setting a pathway for two-states, with a clear timeline for the international declaration of Palestinian statehood.
The world knows we cannot keep hoping the parties will fix this themselves; nor can we allow any party to obstruct the prospect of peace.
Because a two-state solution is the only hope of breaking the endless cycle of violence - the only hope to see a secure and prosperous future for both peoples.
To strengthen the forces for peace across the region and undermine extremism.
Any future Palestinian state must not be in a position to threaten Israel's security, with no role for terrorists.
Right now, the suffering across the region must end.
In Israel's response to the attacks, more than 40,000 Palestinians have been killed. More than 11,000 children.
It is now more than ten months since Australia and 152 other countries voted for a ceasefire in Gaza.
I repeat that call again.
Just as I repeat our call for a diplomatic solution, de-escalation and ceasefire in Lebanon.
We want to see civilians on both sides of the Lebanon-Israel border return to their homes and the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1701.
Australia made our call alongside a number of countries - Canada, European Union, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, the United States and Qatar.
Shortly thereafter, G7 leaders issued a statement in similar terms.
Yet somehow Mr Dutton accused the Prime Minister of being at odds with our allies.
He said the Prime Minister should be condemned for calling for a ceasefire.
Now Mr Dutton has realised it is he who is at odds with the international community- but he still can't bring himself to back a ceasefire.
I can't recall a single time over the past year that Mr Dutton has called for the protection of civilians, or for the upholding of international law.
He never utters a word of concern for innocent Palestinians and Lebanese civilians.
From the other side, the Greens political party are being just as absolutist.
Australians are rightly distressed by the catastrophic conflict, and the distress is felt most acutely in our Jewish, Palestinian and Lebanese communities.
The lived experiences and understandings of our different Australian communities are distinct.
There is long, complex and disputed history - deeply felt, close to the heart of many.
And there is a need to acknowledge the real trauma on all sides, to acknowledge each other's humanity, and to come together - as peacemakers throughout history have done.
It is incumbent on any Australian Government to play a responsible role in promoting peace - recognising we are not the crucial player in the Middle East, but we have a respected voice.
Leaders must govern for the whole country.
Our country does not benefit from the conflict being reproduced here.
Australians are 26 million people, from more than 300 ancestries. We are home to the oldest continuing civilisation on the planet.
There is vast power in that.
The ability to see and understand every part of the world.
Yet it's also something we need to nurture.
If we allow people to divide our community, if we allow conflicts overseas to be reproduced here; if we shout each other down and insist on respective absolutes; the bedrock of our stability, our security and our prosperity is shaken.
Nothing is more important for our future than ensuring that Australia remains a pluralist nation, welcoming different races, religions and views, united by respect for each other's humanity and for each other's right to live in peace.
As I said, there is vast power in who we are. Our people are the most elemental aspect of our national power.
We must deploy that power at this time in our history…
This time when we face the most dangerous set of circumstances since World War Two.
This time when we need to combine our economic power, our cultural power, our strategic, diplomatic and defence power - all to make Australia stronger and more influential in a more contested and challenging world.
We are making Australia more economically resilient at home, with a Future Made in Australia setting us on a path to be a renewable energy superpower.
We are making Australia more economically resilient in the world, with the Southeast Asia Economic Strategy to 2040 that harnesses the opportunities from living in the most competitive and fastest growing region in the world - and so we never are over-reliant on one market again.
We are rebuilding our diplomatic relationships.
We are doing the work that should have been done a decade ago to again make Australia a partner of choice in the Pacific.
We don't just go around picking fights and blowing up relationships.
We are investing in our credibility as a partner to the region.
It is by our actions that we have been able to restore trust among the Pacific family.
And we are stabilising our own relations with China, so we navigate differences wisely.
Our calm and consistent approach to the China relationship has seen progress on the removal of trade impediments for wine, barley, coal, cotton, timber logs, copper ores and concentrates; and now lobster - almost $20 billion worth of Australian exports back into China.
We are increasing our collaboration with new partners and traditional partners; with Southeast Asia, with Japan, with India, and through our Quad partnership.
We are investing in defence cooperation and our own military capabilities, including through AUKUS.
And we are working together with our partners to uphold the rules and reform the institutions that we helped establish.
All of these efforts are to shape the strategic calculus of the region, so no potential aggressor thinks the pursuit of conflict is worth the risk.
This is how we advance the region we want. A region in balance.
Where countries, large and small, have the freedom to decide our own futures.
These are just some of the ways in which the Albanese Government is driving Australia's most ambitious international engagement in many years.
Being a partner to our region, and a leader in our values.
Always working toward a more peaceful, stable and prosperous world for all.
Where sovereignty is respected and civilians are protected.
And I would say, furthering the legacy of creative diplomacy and determined statecraft practised by the great Jim Plim himself.
Thank you.
