Can a researcher racialised as non-white investigate racism in a school with mostly white pupils and staff? How do the pupils respond to this, and does it influence the findings?
When researchers Maïmouna Matikainen-Soreau, Saara Loukola and Ida Hummelstedt, along with their research group, were preparing to launch a project four years ago to explore racism and anti-racism in Finnish secondary schools, they found themselves pondering some key questions.
"How will being racialised as non-white influence the process and results of research in schools with predominantly white pupils? And conversely, how will the racialisation of my colleagues as white affect their research in schools with non-white pupils?" asks Matikainen-Soreau.
The researchers attempted to raise these questions with their peers at an ethnography and methodology seminar, but no prior research had been done.
They therefore set out to conduct their own study. To complement their research project, they wrote an article discussing what factors to consider when researching a group that is not racialised the same way as oneself.
"While studies on white researchers examining non-white subjects exist, the reverse is new in the Nordic context," says Matikainen-Soreau. "It's a blind spot in ethnographic research."
Who should step in, speak up and show support?
The researchers produced material for the project on racism in schools through on-site observation, pupil and staff interviews, and a photo assignment with pupils. They observed a total of 12 classes in six schools.
The researchers employed a non-interventionist approach focused on observing rather than interfering in activities - a method rooted in traditional ethnographic research.
In this context, though, the approach turned out to be challenging.
"We concluded that this would not be an appropriate way to conduct ethnographic research in schools with predominantly white pupils and staff, particularly for non-white researchers. Both myself and others were subjected to racist abuse in the schools. But as we had committed to only observing what took place in the classroom, it was difficult to step in, speak up or show support to others," notes Matikainen-Soreau.
Loukola notes the risks involved in intervening in what unfolds in the classroom.
"School staff may be offended if they see the intervention as a challenge to their authority. This may lead to the researcher being denied entry to the classroom, effectively putting a stop to their research."
She deems this the main reason for the non-interventionist approach being the most common method in research on schools.
Racist abuse and challenges
The research clearly demonstrated that a researcher's racialized position influences subjects in many ways.
"In Finland and the other Nordic countries, whiteness is often regarded as the norm, and some believe racism is not an issue here. When a researcher entering a school challenges these assumptions and addresses racism, it can provoke a wide range of emotions, regardless of how the researcher is racialised," Loukola points out.
Both Matikainen-Soreau and Loukola note that responses varied according to the researcher's skin colour. As a brown researcher, Matikainen-Soreau was on the receiving end of racist abuse, including pupils calling her the n-word, while Loukola and Hummelstedt, who are white, faced very different reactions.
"Being white, Ida and I were viewed as belonging to the same group as the white teachers, and this prompted some to confess things to us in interviews. For example, one teacher overwhelmed by guilt over unwanted racist thoughts started crying in an interview - something they probably wouldn't have done if Maïmouna had conducted it," says Loukola.
She highlights the ethical dilemma of a white researcher who identifies as anti-racist yet fails to address instances of racism when they arise.
"If people of colour are present in the classroom and see you ignoring racism, it becomes difficult to maintain your anti-racist stance."
During the study, some pupils and staff who were not white expressed doubts about a white researcher examining racism. According to Loukola, some addressed the matter with her openly, while others approached it more indirectly.
"But it was clear they wanted reassurance that we had considered these factors in our research and understood how they might affect the interview setting."
Importance of support from other researchers
The racist abuse Matikainen-Soreau faced in schools was deeply traumatising. She stresses that no researcher should have to endure such treatment and that she would not conduct the study again using similar methods.
"Having several researchers in the same classroom would be necessary to ensure no one was left alone to defend themselves. It would be helpful if researchers and school staff agreed in advance on who is responsible for stepping in if a racist incident occurs," she says.
Matikainen-Soreau, Hummelstedt and Loukola describe the urgent need to develop new ethnographic methods, alongside reflection on how to produce material on racism in schools.
"I hope our article encourages research teams to reflect on these issues throughout the research process - from drafting research applications to thinking carefully about who will be working in the field and the crucial factors that can and should be considered," states Matikainen-Soreau.
The researchers also emphasise how their article underscores the importance of support from fellow researchers when investigating racism from different perspectives, and of considering where and how support can be accessed if needed.
"As we worked in the schools on our own, it was important for me to have white allies and be able to reflect on these issues with others in a safe space," states Matikainen-Soreau.
"My hope is that our article also supports white researchers in becoming both more reflective anti-racist practitioners and more supportive allies to their non-white colleagues within research groups," adds Loukola.
